Abstract
This dissertation argues that digital media platforms, such as social media (e.g., Facebook, Twitter, YouTube), have the potential to expose users to information and interaction opportunities that could lead to civic virtues related to other social groups, particularly marginalized minority groups. Although digital media platforms have undoubtedly opened wide avenues for misinformation, fostering polarization and distrust in society (Enders et al., 2021; Guess et al., 2019), the information and interaction revolution also informs and connects citizens with democratic implications. The same digital connectivity can be employed to lessen social exclusion and promote social cohesiveness among members of society with different social identities. Therefore, it is timely to explore the role of digital media use in promoting characteristics of civic virtues, especially socially responsible citizenship related to minority groups. The widespread use of social media has drastically altered the way people obtain information and interact today, with profound implications for civic and political life. Because of this emerging trend, the function of social media in a democracy has become a fierce topic of discussion among academics. In particular, the relationship between digital media platforms and interfaith relations has not received sufficient attention in the literature, especially unlike scholarly attention on social media’s role in facilitating political engagement across the world (Boulianne, 2017; Castells, 2015). Moreover, the existing scholarships on social media use and interfaith relations are primarily conducted in societies generally free of faith-driven violent incidents, with little insight from contexts characterized by acute interfaith challenges. Employing civic virtues as a grand theoretical framework connecting three independent studies, this dissertation investigated the religious-minority related positive implications of digital media use (i.e., the Internet and social media) in Pakistan—an absolute Muslim majority polity where non-Muslim religious minorities represent less than 5% of the populace and face serious socio political challenges (Dilawri et al., 2014; Fuchs & Fuchs, 2019; Mirza, 2020).For context, international reports and news outlets have blamed social media as the driver and amplifier of religious intolerance in Pakistan. For instance, The Guardian published a story titled “Facebook was where Pakistan could debate religion; now it’s a tool to punish blasphemers” (Rasmussen & Wong, 2017). There are several similar occasions when the mainstream news media, such as Reuters, the BBC, and Wired, painted a largely negative role of social media, notably its role in spreading religious hatred in Pakistan (Bukhari, 2017; BBC News, 2017; Kohari, 2019). However, there is almost no empirical evidence from Pakistan backing these assertions. Can we draw conclusions or make broad generalizations about the role of social media platforms based on these few incidents? Following the scholarship on digital media penetration and (un)democratic outcomes, this dissertation attempts to address the critical question, what are the civic implications of digital media use related to religious minorities in Pakistan? To do so, it develops analytical frameworks based on multiple middle-range theories to use Pakistan as a case study in current discussions on the democratic potential of digital media platforms. Specifically, it seeks to answer the following three research questions: first and foremost, is there any difference between people with access to digital media (i.e., internet and social media use) and those without access to digital media in terms of knowledge about religious minorities? (Study 1)? Next, does digital media use strengthen or weaken the effect of existing religious bias on trust in members of religious minority communities (Study 2)? Lastly, what kind of social media experiences are associated with the political tolerance of religious minorities (Study 3)? Knowledge, trust, and tolerance of religious minorities are socially beneficial public qualities and can be collectively theorized as “civic virtue,” which is also closely related the to concept of citizenship (Elster, 1986; Grönlund et al., 2010; Walzer, 1974).
Study 1 compared two adjacent remote valleys—one with and another without internet access—using a natural experiment design and semi-structured interviews. It found that the Muslim locals from the valley with internet access (who also regularly use social media) exhibited more knowledge about religious minorities than their counterparts (from the valley without internet access). More importantly, the former group revealed that incidental exposure to religious Others and interfaith contacts on social media have increased their knowledge. For example, incidental exposure related to religious minorities on social, which leads to positive outcomes, such as knowledge again about the social issues of religious minorities, was seen as serendipity or a serendipitous experience. Then, relying on nationally representative (secondary) survey data, Study 2 found that digital media use (both internet and social media) for information consumption significantly conditions the negative relationship between religious bias and trust in religious Others—here, non-Muslims. The relationship becomes insignificant for Muslims who frequently use digital media for information. In addition, the moderated relationship was further significantly conditioned by education level, showing that less-educated Muslims benefited the most from frequent digital media use for information. Finally, drawing from nationally representative survey data of social media users, Study 3 found that incidental exposure to political information on social media is associated with political tolerance of religious minorities mediated by exposure to pro-minority content on social media. In other words, it showed that incidental exposure on social media is associated with exposure to positive/unprejudiced stories about religious minorities on social media, which is, in turn, associated with political tolerance. Moreover, the mediation relationship was moderated by education level, such that the indirect association was most substantial for low-educated individuals. Like Study 2, Study 3 shows that digital media platforms are more effective for those with less education in terms of positively influencing the attitude toward minorities.
In conclusion, I attempted to theorize and empirically show that “positive online intergroup experiences transformed into civic virtues related to religious minorities” in a non-Western context. By conducting three studies using mixed methods (i.e., interviews and surveys), this dissertation shows how digital media use is associated with knowledge (Study 1), trust (Study 2), and tolerance (Study 3) related to fellow religious Others who belong to minority groups facing persecution and discrimination in the country—herein, Pakistan. The presented religious-minority related civic implications of digital media use are not only an attempt to provide evidence on the tale of technology and democracy from Pakistan—a country with serious interfaith challenges—but also contest multiple hypotheses suggested in other contexts. For instance, the internet and social media have recently been called “the villain” in the story of “digital media and democracy,” particularly in Western democracies. Put another way, social media has been recently framed as an antagonizing force in many societies. Scholars focusing on the polarizing effects of social media use argue that extensive usage of these platforms damages the democratic qualities of any society by creating an echo chamber of like-minded people and an information cocoon refraining people from opposing views (Coughlan, 2019; Del Vicario et al., 2016; Sunstein, 2017). Nevertheless, this dissertation shows that digital media platforms could also be a conduit for positive social change, specifically its role in facilitating civic virtues regarding marginalized religious minority groups in a non-Western democracy, Pakistan. At the same time, I acknowledge that this dissertation has several limitations to be aware of.
| Date of Award | 14 Jun 2023 |
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| Original language | English |
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| Supervisor | Marko SKORIC (Supervisor) |