“所有”的加合功能與全稱量化

This article investigates the semantics of suǒyǒu（所有） and argues that it is a sum operator,but not a quantifier. The syntactic distribution of suǒyǒu is examined first. A comparison is then made among the suǒyǒu-NP,the měi（每） -NP,the quán（全） -NP,and the plural NP to explore their syntactic and semantic similarities and differences. We find that suǒyǒu and měi have different meanings,while suǒyǒu and quán share certain properties. The quantifier měi has the individual-prominent property,emphasizing the meaning of ＂there is no exception among the individuals in question＂. The determiner quan and sugyou are both sum operators and set-prominent, with quan emphasizing that there is no exception for the whole set, whereas suoyou just the set concerned. The selections of the suoyou-NP, the mgi -NP and the quan-NP on the semantic type of the co-occurring predicate are different, leading to different interpretations. A suoyou-NP can occur with a collective predicate, getting a collective reading, whereas its co-occurrence with a distributive predicate or a predicate with potentially ambiguous interpretations usually needs the or a collective presence of other quantifiers/distributors or adverbs, giving it a distributive reading reading, accordingly.